Universal Jurisdiction
The case for Universal Jurisdiction is not a new argument.
The philosophical beginnings of jurisdiction are moral
obligation. If a person commits a crime in one location is
such moral for this party to have impunity based on
location, time, or person to person? Should an individual
who commits a crime against a standing code be permitted to
flee or remain immune from prosecution? In brief the issue
lies with domestic and international law. To be de jure the
complaint must be issued by a competent legal authority to
such. This predicates that there must be a consistent level
of primary and secondary law to guarantee uniformity of
right and process.
To date there is a theoretical basis and standing treaty
obligations to facilitate a real treatment of this issue
although with considerable dissent. International treaties
developed to facilitate Universal Jurisdiction are:
The cited instruments are positive law documents intended to
level treatment to a minimum norm that will be help all the
rarifying parties. Its intention is for universal or
complete adherence.
The Princeton Principles on Universal Jurisdiction (2001)
address some theoretical concepts on this subject of which
some points follow:
Principle 1 -- Fundamentals of Universal Jurisdiction
1. For purposes of these Principles, universal jurisdiction
is criminal jurisdiction based solely on the nature of the
crime, without regard to where the crime was committed, the
nationality of the alleged or convicted perpetrator, the
nationality of the victim, or any other connection to the
state exercising such jurisdiction.
Principle 2 -- Serious Crimes Under International Law
1. For purposes of these Principles, serious crimes under
international law include: (1) piracy; (2) slavery; (3) war
crimes; (4) crimes against peace; (5) crimes against
humanity; (6) genocide; and (7) torture.
Principle 9 -- Non Bis In Idem/ Double Jeopardy
1. In the exercise of universal jurisdiction, a state or its
judicial organs shall ensure that a person who is subject to
criminal proceedings shall not be exposed to multiple
prosecutions or punishment for the same criminal conduct
where the prior criminal proceedings or other accountability
proceedings have been conducted in good faith and in
accordance with international norms and standards. Sham
prosecutions or derisory punishment resulting from a
conviction or other accountability proceedings shall not be
recognized as falling within the scope of this
Principle.
Henry Kissinger has written a refutation of the current
equilibrium of the case for Universal Jurisdiction.
Kissinger states the first approach applies domestic court
procedures to violations at the international level. The
second mechanism is through the International Criminal Court
(ICC) (Kissinger 2001). Kissinger argues that the trajectory
of United Nations Conventions does not support Universal
Jurisdiction. His focal point is the case ex parte:
Pinochet.
His argument elaborates a common ground concept with
universalists that heinous acts should be prosecuted. This
consolidation of law and instinct to punish must however be
connected to a democratic political structure, a system of
checks and balances, and other elements conducive to the
survival of democracy.
Kissinger further argues that a
“dangerous precedent” is set by the interpretation of
political history that is not favorable to one’s own in this
case the European Left. His position is best left to his own
words (Kissinger 2001):
The unprecedented and sweeping interpretation of
international law in Ex parte: Pinochet would arm any
magistrate anywhere in the world with the power to demand
extradition, substituting the magistrate's own judgment for
the reconciliation procedures of even incontestably
democratic societies where alleged violations of human
rights may have occurred. It would also subject the accused
to the criminal procedures of the magistrate's country, with
a legal system that may be unfamiliar to the defendant and
that would force the defendant to bring evidence and
witnesses from long distances.
Kissinger refutes the International Criminal Court as “an
indiscriminate court”. Prosecutional discretion without any
accountability is a serious flaw. The owed guarantees
available in the United States will not equate to domestic
considerations of due process (Kissinger 2001).
As the U.S. experience with the special prosecutors
investigating the executive branch shows, such a procedure
is likely to develop its own momentum without time limits
and can turn into an instrument of political warfare. And
the extraordinary attempt of the ICC to assert jurisdiction
over Americans even in the absence of U.S. accession to the
treaty has already triggered legislation in Congress to
resist it.
Kissinger concludes his refusal on the Pitfalls of Universal
Jurisdiction by stating three modest proposals. He cites
that international tribunals established to deal with the
enormity of crimes where the local judicial system is not
competent as in Yugoslavia and Rwanda that punishment occurs
without removing political judgment and experience. In a
future state it would be possible to renegotiate the ICC
statute (Kissinger 2001).
1.
The U.N. Security Council should create a Human
Rights Commission or a special subcommittee to report
whenever systematic human rights violations seem to warrant
judicial action.
2.
The Security Council would set up an ad hoc
international tribunal on the model of those of the former
Yugoslavia or Rwanda when the government under which the
alleged crime occurred is not authentically representative
or where the domestic judicial system is incapable of
sitting in judgment on the crime,.
3.
The Security Council would define procedures for
these international tribunals. The scope of the prosecution
should be precisely defined by, and the accused should be
entitled to the due process safeguards accorded in common
jurisdictions.
Henry Kissinger has presented his refutation to the current
status of Universal Jurisdiction in degree based on the
particular interests of the one state he has the most direct
experience, hence the United States. Since 2001 events
reflecting this country and world as Darfur and the Iraqi
War have developed under the realities of concretism to
bring to a court of justice the agents of belligerent acts
of abuse. Kissinger’s arguments on some issues have merit.
The weakest however is the use of political history in the
Pinochet case. The United States involvement in Chilean
issues is not a good cornerstone to avoid bringing to the
courts the disappearances of 3,000 persons. To date in June
of 2005 confessions of key personnel in the Pinochet regime
have confirmed that persons were pushed out planes over the
Pacific Ocean. Pinochet who is in failing health has been
stripped of immunity.
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